Trump's America Under Trump's Second Term Feels Oddly Familiar to Observers from the East

As the standup comedian, a rising comedic talent, steps onto her platform in New York, she is not only considering which jokes to tell. Additionally, she carefully considers which topics to steer clear of. “I don't engage in directly criticizing the administration,” she stated. Or if she does, she makes certain it's not recorded for social media. “I would never publicly share content where I openly disparage the government … I believe it's a learned behavior acquired back home.”

The comedian, thirty-nine, resided in Shanghai for almost ten years, leaving in that year. In 2025, she moved to the US. When she got there, she dove into an intense period of “revenge bingeing on freedom,” going to lectures, protests, and exploring the city's public library.

However in the year after the president returned to office again, there has been a noticeable shift in the atmosphere, she says. “In China, I knew the boundaries, whereas in the US I'm standing on shifting sands.”

Her concerns reflect a new climate in America which numerous individuals from China, or those with experience in the country, perceive as disturbingly similar. Enemies face exclusion. The leader expects total allegiance. Reporters are targeted. Institutions come under fire.

Trump has not been shy regarding his respect for China's leader, the nation's strongman leader. He's called Xi as “fantastic”. As they agreed a temporary truce in economic tensions recently, the camaraderie between both figures of nations with diametrically opposed political systems became clear. And after decades of optimism in America that improved relations with China could assist the growing nation become more open, in the current administration, it appears as if America is being pulled in the Chinese direction, rather than vice versa.

“The United States is experiencing an era of cultural revolution,” stated Zhang Qianfan, a professor at Peking University. “The top leader, Trump, is trying to mobilise the grassroots in order to marginalize or undermine established figures … similar to events in the country decades past.”

Ever since Trump unleashed what's termed a government streamlining body, or Doge, on federal institutions early on of his term, many in China have viewed American governance through the lens of the Cultural Revolution. Whether it is the mobilisation of young people to carry out the leader’s will, or purging institutions of those deemed opposition, Trump from a Chinese viewpoint has brought disorder reminiscent of Mao to the US, though absent equivalent degrees of force.

But since the turmoil of the early months of the new administration subsided, a new, distinct type of climate has emerged in the country, which variously seems familiar to numerous Chinese individuals.

‘The Lighthouse Is Dimmer’

The deepest similarity between Trump’s America and China is the crackdown on open expression.

Deng Haiyan, now a Chinese Communist party dissenter, ended up in the eye of a storm this year, the likes of which he once faced in his homeland. He has lived in the US since 2019, after escaping the country due to harassment from the authorities.

In September, after the death of Charlie Kirk, he posted that the individual was “despicable”. Like people nationwide – many of whom lost their jobs as a result of making negative comments regarding him – he encountered significant backlash. Relatives had personal info leaked and he was accused of espionage seeking to create division.

“This incident surprised me deeply. I hadn't thought such a thing could happen in the United States – what typically happens in a repressive state,” Deng said.

His pile on originated from fellow social media users, rather than the government, but such of social surveillance also has similarities with China.

“In terms of targeting those who disagree and monitoring public speech about issues deemed controversial … It's appearing in the US,” said an academic, a scholar at Georgia State University. “This is that you see in China today as well,” she added, adding that there were now fears in America of students reporting on teachers, a form of surveillance promoted by the CCP.

The professor, the Peking University law professor, said that progressive thinkers such as him once turned to the US for ideals, in part because public debate on domestic politics in China is risky. However, “The US isn't some kind of god for Chinese liberals. The US's reputation has worsened across the board.”

“We once viewed America as the symbol of democratic governance, but since the new administration, that guide seems to have become dimmer”.

Chinese liberals, who are often, behind closed doors, skeptical about the nation's governance, now perceive it more acceptable than America’s, Zhang said. “It's somewhat painful to accept this … but post-COVID, authorities appears to be pursuing the right thing in improving the environment and developing electric cars and investing in hi-tech,” Zhang said, while “Western nations, exemplified by the United States, seems to be in decline.”

The Trump administration’s purchase of shares in American firms has also drawn comparisons with China, where the distinction between government and business is frequently unclear.

On Monday, the US government stated it will take an investor in a new company focused on rare earth processing, following similar stakes in additional firms it considers vital to the country's safety. These moves have made certain stakeholders nervous that America is embarking on a new era of government meddling in private industry.

Yet, there remain significant distinctions between Trump’s America and China. In October, multiple media outlets among others refused to sign to a Pentagon policy that required they only report on government-authorised information. American judiciary have halted or overturned numerous Trump’s actions, an action that would be impossible in the nation's party-dominated judiciary.

An analyst, who established of Strategy Risks, specializing in China, commented: “America could descend into the worst crisis of its history, far more severe than currently, and it will still be more free, open, and more liberal than China under Xi.”

Zhang notes that while many intellectuals in the country were shocked to see US universities capitulate to official requests regarding DEI policies and free speech on campus, in China, the top universities are publicly controlled inherently. University leaders, which are selected by the state, “have no liberty refuse. They can’t afford defy orders.”

Still, Americans are starting to take precautions that were once associated with more authoritarian countries. An academic at an American college who was previously vocal on US-China issues refused to speak for this article. He stated: “The truth is, I fear of suppression here: I actually feel less afraid to criticise Xi these days than say anything bad